2017-08-26
EuroKongas subyrės, jei...
Euro
Kongas.
EuroKongas SUBYRĖS, jei nesugebės "priimti "pigesnės darbo jėgos""
- sako naujasis Prancūzijos prezidentas Emannuel Macron:
Ot duoda picą!
perėjo per jo kūną su tais žodžiais rš.
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Restoraną atidaręs italas pakraupo, kaip valgo lietuviai: jis spjaudėsi ir sakė, kad labai neskanu.
Ir kaip gi valgo tie lietuviai?
Gal neplautom rankom, gal be šakučių/peilių, gal čepsi ar per..ia prie stalo?
Reto kraupumo antraštė:
1. Atidarė italas restoraną.
2. Po to pakraupo.
3. Pakraupo nuo to, KAIP valgo lietuviai.
4. Italas ėmė spjaudytis ir sakyti.
5. Sakyti, KAD NESKANU.
Restoraną atidaręs italas pakraupo, kaip valgo lietuviai: jis spjaudėsi ir sakė, kad labai neskanu
A... - štai kame reikalas:
... pirmasis Fabio įspūdis apie kaunietiškas picas nebuvo toks diplomatiškas.
Tiesą sakant, ir aš kraupstu - nuo pizzų įsigalėjimo Lietuvoje.
В XVII веке появились специальные люди («pizzaiolo», пиццайоло), готовившие пиццу для итальянских крестьян.
Na, dabar mums toji pizza - kaip tik.
kraũpti, -ia, -ė tr.
1. K, NdŽ gąsdinti.
| refl.: Jo širdis kraupėsi Jrk.
2. K, J, NdŽ barti, surikti ant ko.
 pakraũpti, -ia, pàkraupė tr.
1. nugąsdinti: Niekas tave nepakraups CI169.
2. K, J pabarti; pabausti: Tame susiėjime tapė ir pakraupti bei pakoravoti tie, kurie kokiu noris būdu nusižengę buvo Kel1882,300. Kurs kitus pakraupti nori, pirma pats save turi nuo visų bjaurybių valnytis srš. Kad kas pamikraupj meilingai, tai taip priimu širdingai brš. Bet Dievas mano vargus ir mano procę matė ir tave vakar pakraupė (nubaudė) RB1Moz31,42.
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Kodėl rašau pizza?
Pica - net tokio žodžio Lietuvių Kalbos Žodyne nėra.
Tik picas yra:
pi̇̀cas sm. (2)
◊ pi̇̀cą dúoti siausti, dūkti: Išvažiavo į kurortą, i dúoda pi̇̀cą – kur tu sugaudysi miesčionus! Krš.
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Bankams - galas
Cituoju:
Paklaustas apie kitą ekonomikos krizę vienas iš įtakingiausių Lietuvos ekonomistų
Raimondas Kuodis svarstė, kad šiuo metu Lietuva ir visas pasaulis gyvena naujoje kapitalizmo stadijoje, kai vis didesnį neigiamą vaidmenį vaidina finansų sektorius.
Kitaip nei anksčiau, šiais laikais darbuotojų darbo našumas didėja sparčiau negu jų pajamos. Nors jie sukuria daugiau vertės, už tai gauna santykinai mažesnį atlygį. Finansų sektorius užpildo tokį paklausos atotrūkį.
„Bankininkai duoda pinigų (:)))) nupirkti tą sukurtą produktą algoms nekylant. Ką tai reiškia? Tai reiškia, kad mes duodame žmonėms valgyti ne iš jų algos, o iš suteikto kredito.
Kreditų didėjimas neišvengiamai veda prie to, kad staiga kažkas apsižiūri, jog yra per daug prisiskolinęs. Tada bando susimažinti skolas. Tas negali pavykti be valstybės pagalbos. Tada valstybės turi lįsti į skolas“, – paaiškino ekonomistas.
Jo teigimu, tokį modelį visame pasaulyje palaiko neoliberalai, kurie esą dominuoja tarptautinėse institucijose, didžiųjų šalių centriniuose bankuose, finansų ministerijose ir vyriausybėse.
„Dabar su simptomais kovojame naujomis finansinėmis dozėmis, kurios vis didesnės ir didesnės. Bet tai negali tęstis be galo ir veda prie vis didesnių ir tankesnių finansų krizių. Čia yra pastarųjų 30–40 metų patirtis, kurios negali nuneigti.
Progresyvūs ekonomistai, kurių idėjas Lietuvoje propaguoju ir aš, sako, kad reikia struktūriškai grįžti į laikus, kurie buvo tris dešimtmečius po Antrojo pasaulinio karo*, kai buvo vykdoma teisinga politika. T. y., kai algos ir darbo našumas ėjo kartu, tada žmonėms nebuvo reikalo lįsti į skolas, kreditai daugiausia buvo teikiami statyti fabrikams, o ne finansinėms spekuliacijoms“, – kalbėjo R. Kuodis.
Anot jo, sugrįžti į tą epochą bus labai sunku, kadangi tam pirmiausia labai priešinsis dabartinis finansų pasaulis.*
„Pasakysiu tiesiai šviesiai, dabar jis nemaža dalimi yra korumpavęs ir politinius sluoksnius**. Ypač matome, kaip tos durys tarp politikos ir finansų sukasi JAV. Apmaudu. Kai kas juokauja, kad turime geriausią demokratiją, kurią gali nusipirkti už pinigus. Tai reikėtų kažkaip pabaigti***. Kitaip mes vis keliausime nuo krizės iki krizės, o sveikas protas sako, kad taip yra negerai“, – įspėjo pašnekovas.
Vis dėlto, jo pastebėjimu, reikiamus sprendimus turintys politikai yra trumparegiai****, jiems patinka trumpalaikiai sprendimai, kurie nustumia problemas tolyn.
Vis dėlto jie mato skirtingas būsimo sukrėtimo priežastis ir būdus, ką daryti, kad gyventojai nukentėtų mažiau.
„Svarbu, kad kita krizė būtų ne per mano kadenciją, tada gerai atrodysiu kaip prezidentas ar premjeras, nes reitingai yra svarbiausia. Ne, svarbiausia žmonės“, – politikų mąstymą ir elgseną apibūdino ekonomistas ir pridūrė, kad gilesnių diskusijų apie tai trūksta ne tik Lietuvoje, bet ir labiau išsivysčiusiose valstybėse.
R. Kuodžio teigimu, dėl to vyksta didelė „pokiliminė“ kova tarp neortodoksinių ekonomistų, kurie šias problemas mato atviromis akimis ir neoliberalų, sakančių, kad viskas yra gerai, gal mes tik nepakankamai save rimbais plakame ar prastai taikome kokias nors fiskalines taisykles.
„Ne, yra giluminių problemų, kurios matomos plika akimi. Tik reikia šiek tiek pakilti aukščiau savo epochos ir pažiūrėti, kaip pasaulis veikė prieš 50–60 metų. Matysime, kad buvo kur kas daugiau tvarkos, stabilumo, teisingumo, lygybės*“, – įsitikinęs jis.
* R.Kuodis apsimeta, kad nesupranta (negi tikrai nesupranta?), jog, norint grįžti į pokarį, pradžioj reikia***** karo.
Ar tikrai tam - karui - priešinasi Tikrieji Ekonomistai?
:)):
Kalbėsiu apie dabar vykstančią masinę urbanizaciją, kurios efektą, manau, pamatysime po 20-30 metų, kai pasaulį sudarys nebe 200 valstybių, o 600 miestų.
Apie tai, tai
ir šitai
R.Kuodis gal ne dėl neišmanymo nutyli?
** The world is weary of statesmen whom democracy has degraded into politicians.
*** SYNOIKOS!
**** Pilietika.
***** Karo reikia šitais
principais veikiančiai ekonomikai.
SYNOIKOS!
Kitaip nei anksčiau, šiais laikais darbuotojų darbo našumas didėja sparčiau negu jų pajamos. Nors jie sukuria daugiau vertės, už tai gauna santykinai mažesnį atlygį. Finansų sektorius užpildo tokį paklausos atotrūkį.
„Bankininkai duoda pinigų (:)))) nupirkti tą sukurtą produktą algoms nekylant. Ką tai reiškia? Tai reiškia, kad mes duodame žmonėms valgyti ne iš jų algos, o iš suteikto kredito.
Kreditų didėjimas neišvengiamai veda prie to, kad staiga kažkas apsižiūri, jog yra per daug prisiskolinęs. Tada bando susimažinti skolas. Tas negali pavykti be valstybės pagalbos. Tada valstybės turi lįsti į skolas“, – paaiškino ekonomistas.
Jo teigimu, tokį modelį visame pasaulyje palaiko neoliberalai, kurie esą dominuoja tarptautinėse institucijose, didžiųjų šalių centriniuose bankuose, finansų ministerijose ir vyriausybėse.
„Dabar su simptomais kovojame naujomis finansinėmis dozėmis, kurios vis didesnės ir didesnės. Bet tai negali tęstis be galo ir veda prie vis didesnių ir tankesnių finansų krizių. Čia yra pastarųjų 30–40 metų patirtis, kurios negali nuneigti.
Progresyvūs ekonomistai, kurių idėjas Lietuvoje propaguoju ir aš, sako, kad reikia struktūriškai grįžti į laikus, kurie buvo tris dešimtmečius po Antrojo pasaulinio karo*, kai buvo vykdoma teisinga politika. T. y., kai algos ir darbo našumas ėjo kartu, tada žmonėms nebuvo reikalo lįsti į skolas, kreditai daugiausia buvo teikiami statyti fabrikams, o ne finansinėms spekuliacijoms“, – kalbėjo R. Kuodis.
Anot jo, sugrįžti į tą epochą bus labai sunku, kadangi tam pirmiausia labai priešinsis dabartinis finansų pasaulis.*
„Pasakysiu tiesiai šviesiai, dabar jis nemaža dalimi yra korumpavęs ir politinius sluoksnius**. Ypač matome, kaip tos durys tarp politikos ir finansų sukasi JAV. Apmaudu. Kai kas juokauja, kad turime geriausią demokratiją, kurią gali nusipirkti už pinigus. Tai reikėtų kažkaip pabaigti***. Kitaip mes vis keliausime nuo krizės iki krizės, o sveikas protas sako, kad taip yra negerai“, – įspėjo pašnekovas.
Vis dėlto, jo pastebėjimu, reikiamus sprendimus turintys politikai yra trumparegiai****, jiems patinka trumpalaikiai sprendimai, kurie nustumia problemas tolyn.
Vis dėlto jie mato skirtingas būsimo sukrėtimo priežastis ir būdus, ką daryti, kad gyventojai nukentėtų mažiau.
„Svarbu, kad kita krizė būtų ne per mano kadenciją, tada gerai atrodysiu kaip prezidentas ar premjeras, nes reitingai yra svarbiausia. Ne, svarbiausia žmonės“, – politikų mąstymą ir elgseną apibūdino ekonomistas ir pridūrė, kad gilesnių diskusijų apie tai trūksta ne tik Lietuvoje, bet ir labiau išsivysčiusiose valstybėse.
R. Kuodžio teigimu, dėl to vyksta didelė „pokiliminė“ kova tarp neortodoksinių ekonomistų, kurie šias problemas mato atviromis akimis ir neoliberalų, sakančių, kad viskas yra gerai, gal mes tik nepakankamai save rimbais plakame ar prastai taikome kokias nors fiskalines taisykles.
„Ne, yra giluminių problemų, kurios matomos plika akimi. Tik reikia šiek tiek pakilti aukščiau savo epochos ir pažiūrėti, kaip pasaulis veikė prieš 50–60 metų. Matysime, kad buvo kur kas daugiau tvarkos, stabilumo, teisingumo, lygybės*“, – įsitikinęs jis.
* R.Kuodis apsimeta, kad nesupranta (negi tikrai nesupranta?), jog, norint grįžti į pokarį, pradžioj reikia***** karo.
Ar tikrai tam - karui - priešinasi Tikrieji Ekonomistai?
Kalbėsiu apie dabar vykstančią masinę urbanizaciją, kurios efektą, manau, pamatysime po 20-30 metų, kai pasaulį sudarys nebe 200 valstybių, o 600 miestų.
Apie tai, tai
** The world is weary of statesmen whom democracy has degraded into politicians.
*** SYNOIKOS!
**** Pilietika.
***** Karo reikia šitais
Hašišinas
2008-ųjų lapkritį 10 islamistų grupuotės „Lashkar-e-Taiba“
narių įvykdė 12 kruvinų išpuolių, per kuriuos žuvo 164 žmonės, dar 300 sužeista. Per beveik 60 valandų trukusią destrukciją jie atsilaikė prieš šimtus geriausiai apmokytų Indijos karinių pajėgų karių, kol galiausiai žuvo arba buvo sulaikyti.
„Lashkar-e-Taiba“ kartu treniravosi mėnesius, tai buvo elitinis kovinis padalinys. Tačiau jie taip pat vartojo narkotikus. Įvykio vietoje rasti įrodymai, taip pat vėliau daryti kraujo testai, parodė, kad kai kurie grupuotės nariai vartojo kokainą, LSD ir steroidus, rašo vice.com.
Narkotikų vartojimas grupuotei leido atsilaikyti prieš Indijos pajėgų karius ilgiau nei dvi paras be jokio maisto ar miego, nepaisant to, kad kai kurie grupuotės nariai buvo smarkiai sužeisti.
Naujoje knygoje „Shooting Up“
lenkų istorikas Lukaszas Kamienskis rašo, jog nuo to laiko, kai prasidėjo karai, vyrai ir moterys mūšio lauke vartotoja narkotikus. Istorikas teigia, kad Mumbajaus užpuolikai, kurie naudojo psichotropines medžiagas, yra tik vienas pavyzdys iš daugelio: vikingai vartotojo haliucinogeninius grybus, inkų kariai – kokos lapus, Amerikos pilietinio karo dalyviai buvo priklausomi nuo morfino, o naciai – įnikę į amfetaminą.
1980-aisiais karo istorikas Johnas Keeganas į klausimą „Kodėl kareiviai kariauja“ pateikė tris atsakymus: „paskata“, „prievarta“, „narkozė“. Nors pats J.Keeganas vėliau nusprendė, kad jo teorija buvo per daug paprasta, L.Kamienskis su tokiais atsakymais sutinka. Anot jo, kariauti verčia dehumanizuojančių treniruočių režimų sukurtos paskatos, valstybių prievarta, kuri ragina žmones kovoti šalies vardu, o „narkozė“ gali būti suprantama pažodžiui: tam, kad pajėgtų žudyti kitus, žmonės turi atsidurti kitame suvokimo lygmenyje.
Narkotikai gali karius priversti tapti kariuomenės aparato dalimi ir daryti dalykus, kurių jie niekuomet nepadarytų būdami blaivios sąmonės.
„Antropologiniai radiniai rodo, kad mes nesame kariauti linkę žmonės, – sakė L.Kamienskis. – Labai sunku pereiti ribą, kad žmogus imtų žudyti kitus žmones. Tam reikia civilį paversti kariu, kuris galėtų žudyti kitus ir nejausti didelio psichologinio poveikio.“
Knygoje „Shooting Up“ problema nagrinėjama chronologiniu būdu. Iš pradžių pasakojama apie graikų šokėjų stiprinimąsi vynu, Homero herojų sielvarto malšinimą geriant opiumą, taip pat haliucinogeninius grybus vartojusias Sibiro gentis. Tačiau viso tai nublanksta prieš garsiųjų vikingų haliucinogeninius grybus.
Vikingų karių buvo baiminamasi labiau, nei kokių kitų jėgų karo istorijoje. Tuo metu manyta, kad vikingų kariai buvo apsėsti Odino – skandinavų karo ir išminties, vyriausiojo dievo – įtūžio, kuris padvigubino jų stiprumą, pašalino žmogiškumą ir padarė juos nepaveikiamus skausmui. Jie staugė kaip vilkai ir naikindavo viską, kas pasitaikė kelyje.
Tačiau L.Kamienskis teigia, kad tokią būseną vikingams iš dalies padėjo pasiekti Amanita (:)) grybai, kurių paveikti žmonės kartais įsivaizduoja tapę gyvūnais ir apsvaigę haliucionuoja, kad jiems auga plunksnos ir plaukai.
Vartojant tam tikrais kiekiais ir tam tikru būdus, haliucinogeniniai grybai pakeičia realybę iki tokio lygio, kuomet nenatūralūs dalykai, kaip prievartavimas arba plėšikavimas, atrodo normalūs.
Tai galima pamatyti ir Mumbajaus užpuolikų atveju: kokainas jiems teikė energijos, steroidai suteikė stiprybės, o LSD pakeitė realybės suvokimą iki tokio lygio, kai islamistai, kaip ir skandinavų kariai, ėmė kovoti su įtūžiu.
L.Kamienskį itin nustebino tai, kaip narkotikais Antrojo pasaulinio karo metu kareivius „šėrė“ naciai.
„Aš buvau visiškai šokiruotas, kad Vermachtas dideliais kiekiais vartojo metamfetaminą per Lenkijos invaziją 1939-aisiais, – sakė jis. – To niekada neperskaitysite istorijos vadovėliuose ar knygose.“
Viešumoje nacių režimas kritikavo narkotikų vartojimą pramoginiais tikslais, bet slaptai nacių elitas dažnai mėgavosi psichotropinėmis medžiagomis. Hitleris*
didžiąją karo dalį praleido apsvaigęs nuo vaistų. Goringas ir Goebbelsas mėgo morfiną. Kai pastarasis mėgino atsverti morfino poveikį kokainu, tapo priklausomas ir nuo jo.
Naciai taip pat tiekė narkotikus Vokietijos kariams. 1939–ųjų invazijos į Lenkiją metu, pervitinas – kristalinė amfetamino versija, buvo naudojamas streso, nuovargio įveikimui ir euforijos sukėlimui. Jis tapo Vokietijos „puolimo piliule“.
1940-aisiais prieš invaziją į Prancūziją Vokietijos armija užsakė 35 mln. pervitino tablečių.
Tuo metu buvo beveik negalvojama apie karių gerbūvį. Didelė dalis Vokietijos karių tapo priklausomi nuo narkotikų, o kai oficialus narkotiko tiekimas buvo baigtas, jie narkotikus gaudavo iš Vokietijos, kur narkotikai buvo legalūs.
Vokiečiai nebuvo vieninteliai mūšio lauke amfetaminą vartoję kariai. Tą darė ir britų, JAV, japonų ar net suomių kariškiai. Pastarieji vienu metu buvo didžiausi pasaulyje heroino vartotojai.
XX a. narkotikų pasmerkimas ir socialinio poveikio baimė nulėmė narkotikus draudžiančių įstatymų priėmimą.
L.Kamienskis Vietnamo karą vadina „pirmuoju farmakologiniu karu“, nes jame buvo vartoti milžiniški kiekiai narkotikų. Istorikai teigia, kad 10-15 proc. JAV kareivių tapo priklausomi nuo heroino.
Dabar Vakarų kariuomenės užima griežtesnę poziciją psichotropinių medžiagų atžvilgiu, nors daug iš Irako grįžusių JAV karių pasakojo vartoję aderalį ir energetinius gėrimus, taip pat proteino miltelius ir papildus, kurie padėdavo palaikyti formą. Tačiau žiūrint iš istorinės perspektyvos, toks trumpalaikis medžiagų vartojimas kare vikingus greičiausiai priverstų nusišypsoti.
Assassin
assassin (n.)
1530s (in Anglo-Latin from mid-13c.), via French and Italian, from Arabic hashishiyyin "hashish-users," plural of hashishiyy, from the source of hashish(q.v.).
A fanatical Ismaili Muslim sect of the mountains of Lebanon in the time of the Crusades, under leadership of the "Old Man of the Mountains" (translates Arabic shaik-al-jibal, name applied to Hasan ibu-al-Sabbah), they had a reputation for murdering opposing leaders after intoxicating themselves by eating hashish. The plural suffix -in was mistaken in Europe for part of the word (compare Bedouin). Middle English had the word as hassais (mid-14c.), from Old French hassasis, assasis, which is from the Arabic word.
hashish (n.)
also hasheesh, 1590s, from Arabic hashish "powdered hemp," extended from sense "herbage, hay," from hashsha "it became dry, it dried up."
Hashish
From Arabic حَشِيش (ḥašīš, “hay, dried herb”).
* HITLER’S ARMY AND CRYSTAL METH
Opiatai ir amfetaminas – slapti Adolfo Hitlerio ginklai
„Lashkar-e-Taiba“ kartu treniravosi mėnesius, tai buvo elitinis kovinis padalinys. Tačiau jie taip pat vartojo narkotikus. Įvykio vietoje rasti įrodymai, taip pat vėliau daryti kraujo testai, parodė, kad kai kurie grupuotės nariai vartojo kokainą, LSD ir steroidus, rašo vice.com.
Narkotikų vartojimas grupuotei leido atsilaikyti prieš Indijos pajėgų karius ilgiau nei dvi paras be jokio maisto ar miego, nepaisant to, kad kai kurie grupuotės nariai buvo smarkiai sužeisti.
Naujoje knygoje „Shooting Up“
1980-aisiais karo istorikas Johnas Keeganas į klausimą „Kodėl kareiviai kariauja“ pateikė tris atsakymus: „paskata“, „prievarta“, „narkozė“. Nors pats J.Keeganas vėliau nusprendė, kad jo teorija buvo per daug paprasta, L.Kamienskis su tokiais atsakymais sutinka. Anot jo, kariauti verčia dehumanizuojančių treniruočių režimų sukurtos paskatos, valstybių prievarta, kuri ragina žmones kovoti šalies vardu, o „narkozė“ gali būti suprantama pažodžiui: tam, kad pajėgtų žudyti kitus, žmonės turi atsidurti kitame suvokimo lygmenyje.
Narkotikai gali karius priversti tapti kariuomenės aparato dalimi ir daryti dalykus, kurių jie niekuomet nepadarytų būdami blaivios sąmonės.
„Antropologiniai radiniai rodo, kad mes nesame kariauti linkę žmonės, – sakė L.Kamienskis. – Labai sunku pereiti ribą, kad žmogus imtų žudyti kitus žmones. Tam reikia civilį paversti kariu, kuris galėtų žudyti kitus ir nejausti didelio psichologinio poveikio.“
Knygoje „Shooting Up“ problema nagrinėjama chronologiniu būdu. Iš pradžių pasakojama apie graikų šokėjų stiprinimąsi vynu, Homero herojų sielvarto malšinimą geriant opiumą, taip pat haliucinogeninius grybus vartojusias Sibiro gentis. Tačiau viso tai nublanksta prieš garsiųjų vikingų haliucinogeninius grybus.
Vikingų karių buvo baiminamasi labiau, nei kokių kitų jėgų karo istorijoje. Tuo metu manyta, kad vikingų kariai buvo apsėsti Odino – skandinavų karo ir išminties, vyriausiojo dievo – įtūžio, kuris padvigubino jų stiprumą, pašalino žmogiškumą ir padarė juos nepaveikiamus skausmui. Jie staugė kaip vilkai ir naikindavo viską, kas pasitaikė kelyje.
Tačiau L.Kamienskis teigia, kad tokią būseną vikingams iš dalies padėjo pasiekti Amanita (:)) grybai, kurių paveikti žmonės kartais įsivaizduoja tapę gyvūnais ir apsvaigę haliucionuoja, kad jiems auga plunksnos ir plaukai.
Vartojant tam tikrais kiekiais ir tam tikru būdus, haliucinogeniniai grybai pakeičia realybę iki tokio lygio, kuomet nenatūralūs dalykai, kaip prievartavimas arba plėšikavimas, atrodo normalūs.
Tai galima pamatyti ir Mumbajaus užpuolikų atveju: kokainas jiems teikė energijos, steroidai suteikė stiprybės, o LSD pakeitė realybės suvokimą iki tokio lygio, kai islamistai, kaip ir skandinavų kariai, ėmė kovoti su įtūžiu.
L.Kamienskį itin nustebino tai, kaip narkotikais Antrojo pasaulinio karo metu kareivius „šėrė“ naciai.
„Aš buvau visiškai šokiruotas, kad Vermachtas dideliais kiekiais vartojo metamfetaminą per Lenkijos invaziją 1939-aisiais, – sakė jis. – To niekada neperskaitysite istorijos vadovėliuose ar knygose.“
Viešumoje nacių režimas kritikavo narkotikų vartojimą pramoginiais tikslais, bet slaptai nacių elitas dažnai mėgavosi psichotropinėmis medžiagomis. Hitleris*
Naciai taip pat tiekė narkotikus Vokietijos kariams. 1939–ųjų invazijos į Lenkiją metu, pervitinas – kristalinė amfetamino versija, buvo naudojamas streso, nuovargio įveikimui ir euforijos sukėlimui. Jis tapo Vokietijos „puolimo piliule“.
1940-aisiais prieš invaziją į Prancūziją Vokietijos armija užsakė 35 mln. pervitino tablečių.
Tuo metu buvo beveik negalvojama apie karių gerbūvį. Didelė dalis Vokietijos karių tapo priklausomi nuo narkotikų, o kai oficialus narkotiko tiekimas buvo baigtas, jie narkotikus gaudavo iš Vokietijos, kur narkotikai buvo legalūs.
Vokiečiai nebuvo vieninteliai mūšio lauke amfetaminą vartoję kariai. Tą darė ir britų, JAV, japonų ar net suomių kariškiai. Pastarieji vienu metu buvo didžiausi pasaulyje heroino vartotojai.
XX a. narkotikų pasmerkimas ir socialinio poveikio baimė nulėmė narkotikus draudžiančių įstatymų priėmimą.
L.Kamienskis Vietnamo karą vadina „pirmuoju farmakologiniu karu“, nes jame buvo vartoti milžiniški kiekiai narkotikų. Istorikai teigia, kad 10-15 proc. JAV kareivių tapo priklausomi nuo heroino.
Dabar Vakarų kariuomenės užima griežtesnę poziciją psichotropinių medžiagų atžvilgiu, nors daug iš Irako grįžusių JAV karių pasakojo vartoję aderalį ir energetinius gėrimus, taip pat proteino miltelius ir papildus, kurie padėdavo palaikyti formą. Tačiau žiūrint iš istorinės perspektyvos, toks trumpalaikis medžiagų vartojimas kare vikingus greičiausiai priverstų nusišypsoti.
Assassin
A fanatical Ismaili Muslim sect of the mountains of Lebanon in the time of the Crusades, under leadership of the "Old Man of the Mountains" (translates Arabic shaik-al-jibal, name applied to Hasan ibu-al-Sabbah), they had a reputation for murdering opposing leaders after intoxicating themselves by eating hashish. The plural suffix -in was mistaken in Europe for part of the word (compare Bedouin). Middle English had the word as hassais (mid-14c.), from Old French hassasis, assasis, which is from the Arabic word.
Hashish
2017-08-25
2017-08-24
2017-08-23
Molotovo-Ribbentropo pakto kopijos
2017-08-23
Lietuvos prašymu iš Vokietijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Politinio archyvo rugpjūčio 22-ąją gautos prieš 78 metus pasirašytų Molotovo-Ribbentropo pakto, protokolo ir itin geros raiškos žemėlapio su parašais skenuotos kopijos.
O prašė kelintą kartą?
Gal ir Potsdamo sutarties
2017-08-22
Ne mūsų bankininkai
Štai
du tokie.
Matematikos nemokėjusį Gitaną Nausėdą, patarinėjantį žuvėdams, rasite čia.
Lietuvai nuosavybės teise priklausiusio, bet Lietuvos neklausiusio Lietuvos banko valdybos pirmininko pavaduotoją irgi rasime čia.
Paklaustas apie kitą ekonomikos krizę jis svarstė, kad šiuo metu Lietuva ir visas pasaulis gyvena naujoje kapitalizmo stadijoje, kai vis didesnį neigiamą vaidmenį vaidina finansų sektorius.
Praregėjo?
... šiuo metu Lietuva ir visas pasaulis gyvena naujoje kapitalizmo stadijoje...:)
Tai bent laikai atėjo:))
Atėjo,
jau atėjo.
Matematikos nemokėjusį Gitaną Nausėdą, patarinėjantį žuvėdams, rasite čia.
Lietuvai nuosavybės teise priklausiusio, bet Lietuvos neklausiusio Lietuvos banko valdybos pirmininko pavaduotoją irgi rasime čia.
Paklaustas apie kitą ekonomikos krizę jis svarstė, kad šiuo metu Lietuva ir visas pasaulis gyvena naujoje kapitalizmo stadijoje, kai vis didesnį neigiamą vaidmenį vaidina finansų sektorius.
Praregėjo?
... šiuo metu Lietuva ir visas pasaulis gyvena naujoje kapitalizmo stadijoje...:)
Atėjo,
2017-08-21
The Most Secret Bank In the World
The Vatican Bank:
The Most Secret Bank In the World
Kche kche kche...
JUN 26, 2012
Head of the Vatican bank Ettore Gotti Tedeschi (Image credit: AFP via @daylife)
Italian prosecutors have now detained the former head of the Vatican’s bank after searching his home and former office for suspected criminal behavior. Catholics and followers of the Holy See will be disappointed to learn that the Vatican’s bank appears to be embroiled in yet another financial scandal. After a number of very embarrassing episodes in recent years, the Pope pledged to comply with international standards on illicit finance and clean up the bank’s image. The European Union has an important role to play in helping the Vatican mitigate risk and come into full compliance; the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), set up by the G-7 to combat money laundering and terrorist financing, has a responsibility as well.
The body of Roberto Calvi (God's Banker) minutes after he was found hanging at Blackfriars Bridge, London, on June 17/18th, 1982.
The most infamous publicity surrounded revelations about the Vatican bank’s dealings with Milan’s Banco Ambrosiano, one of the most high-profile bank collapses in Italy’s history. The Vatican bank was Banco Ambrosiano’s main shareholder. After its demise in 1982, Banco Ambrosiano’s chairman, Roberto Calvi, was found hanged under London’s Blackfriars Bridge. Prosecutors in Rome concluded that he was killed by the Sicilian Mafia but no one has ever been convicted of his murder.
Kche kche kche...
JUN 26, 2012
Italian prosecutors have now detained the former head of the Vatican’s bank after searching his home and former office for suspected criminal behavior. Catholics and followers of the Holy See will be disappointed to learn that the Vatican’s bank appears to be embroiled in yet another financial scandal. After a number of very embarrassing episodes in recent years, the Pope pledged to comply with international standards on illicit finance and clean up the bank’s image. The European Union has an important role to play in helping the Vatican mitigate risk and come into full compliance; the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), set up by the G-7 to combat money laundering and terrorist financing, has a responsibility as well.
The Institute for Works of Religion (IOR), commonly referred to as the Vatican Bank, is a privately held financial institution located inside Vatican City. Founded in 1942, the IOR’s role is to safeguard and administer property intended for works of religion or charity. The bank accepts deposits only from top Church officials and entities, according to Italian legal scholar Settimio Caridi. It is run by a president but overseen by five cardinals who report directly to the Vatican and the Vatican’s secretary of state. Because so little is known about the bank’s daily operations and transactions, it has often been called “the most secret bank in the world.”
The bank’s president, Ettore Gotti Tedeschi, a well-known and well-regarded figure throughout European banking and social circles, was effectively sacked when the board passed a unanimous “no-confidence” vote in late May. Hired in 2009 with the hope that he would clear the IOR’s reputation, he was fired, according to the Vatican announcement, because he failed to fulfill the “primary functions of his office.” Tedeschi echoed this when he toldprosecutors that he came to the office only two days a week, spending the vast majority of his time as the head of Spain’s Banco Santander office in Milan.
Tedeschi and the Vatican Bank have recently been investigated on two separate occasions for money laundering. This past March, JP Morgan Chase closed a Vatican account in Milan after the IOR was “unable to respond” to questionable money transfers, according to Italy’s leading financial newspaper, Il Sole 24 Ore. In 2010, Italian authorities seized €23 million ($30 million) from a Vatican account at Italy’s Credito Artigiano Spa, following allegations that IOR violated anti-money-laundering laws. Tedeschi and the bank both denied wrongdoing, and no charges were ever filed. The money was released after IOR promised to pass measures to come into full compliance with the FATF’s international standards on money laundering and terrorism financing.
But it appears that the Vatican’s promise to comply was nothing less than controversial in the Holy See’s inner circle. A book published last week by Italian journalist Gianluigi Nuzzi details intrigue, corruption, power struggles, bribes, money laundering, and a lack of desire to follow the dictates of the FATF—and its European sister organization, MONEYVAL—to fight illicit finance. The “Vatileaks” scandal, as it has come to be known, is based on over 4,000 internal Vatican documents. It has embarrassed the Vatican and cast a cloud over its effort to demonstrate financial transparency and shed its reputation as a tax haven.
In November 2011, MONEYVAL carried out an assessmentto determine how well the Vatican has complied with best practices, and to what degree it has implemented controls to curtail abuse of the international financial sector – according to MONEYVAL insiders, these findings will be made public next month. The Vatican had made a request to be put on MONEYVAL’s money-laundering “white list,” a coveted grade in the international financial market. Both Nuzzi’s book and Tedeschi’s removal as head of the bank cast doubt on the Vatican’s ability to achieve this status.
As the international community reviews its options vis-à-vis the Vatican, both the FATF and the MONEYVAL are uniquely placed to pressure the IOR to reform. Both organizations have scores of trained staff members who can assist the Vatican to implement a robust anti-money-laundering regime that would satisfy both the EU and the international community.
It would also be beneficial if the Italian government were to step in, given its close ties with the Vatican. Traditionally, the Ministry of Economy and Finance has designed the policy aspects of Italian money-laundering and terrorism-finance efforts, while the financial intelligence compliance functions fall under the Ufficio Italiano dei Cambi (UIC), in collaboration with the Guardia di Finanza (GdF). Italy has received high marks from the international community for its part in ensuring the safety and soundness of the international financial sector. Italian government agencies would thus seem to be the ideal candidates to lead the Vatican back to the straight and narrow
In today’s interconnected financial world, instituting measures to mitigate abuse of the international financial sector is part of the cost of doing business. Unquestionably, one of the most serious public policy challenges the international community will face in the foreseeable future is how to use every tool in its arsenal to make progress against those who exploit tainted money. While the Vatican answers to a higher calling, the EU, FATF and MONEYVAL should insist that its earthly responsibilities are equally important.
Avi Jorisch, a former U.S. Treasury Department official, is a Senior Fellow for Counterterrorism at the American Foreign Policy Council in Washington, DC.
The scandal at the Vatican bank
6 December 2013
On June 28 this year, Italian police arrested a silver-haired priest, Monsignor Nunzio Scarano, in Rome. The cleric, nicknamed Monsignor Cinquecento after the €500 bills he habitually carried around with him, was charged with fraud and corruption, together with a former secret service agent and a financial broker. All three were suspected of attempting to smuggle €20m by private plane across the border from Switzerland.
Prosecutors alleged that the priest, a former banker, was using the Institute for Religious Works – the formal name for the Vatican’s bank – to move money for businessmen based in the Naples region, widely regarded in Italy as a haven of organised crime. Worse still, Scarano (who, together with the other men, has denied any wrongdoing) had until only a month earlier been head of the accounting department at the Administration of the Patrimony of the Apostolic See, the treasury of the Vatican.
The arrest, and the headlines that screamed across the Italian press, was the latest shock for the Holy See. The year had already witnessed an emotional upheaval in the church with the resignation in February of the aged Pope Benedict XVI – the first time in 700 years a pope had stepped down voluntarily. But this new crisis demanded cold, hard resolve. For regulators and politicians in Europe who had pushed for change in the Vatican’s scandal-plagued bank over the previous four years – from the Bank of Italy under Mario Draghi to officials in Mario Monti’s government and in Brussels – it served as evidence of their concerns. Those worries also jolted a number of international financiers determined to press for reform.
In early July, Peter Sutherland, non-executive chairman of Goldman Sachs International and the former attorney-general of Ireland, flew into Vatican City. His mission – although described by some insiders as simply a “bit part” in the wider drive for change – was an illuminating one. Sutherland, a practising Catholic and an unpaid consultant to the Vatican’s treasury, had been asked by reformers in the church to speak with the council of cardinals, the most senior advisers to the pope. His message to the men who filed into a room near Doma Santa Marta, the plain-fronted residence of Pope Francis, was respectful but direct.
The banker, who declined to comment for this story, added his voice to the many in and outside the church asking the world’s smallest city-state to change its ways. “Transparency is important and necessary,” Sutherland said, according to two people who were informed of proceedings in the closed-door meeting.
The cardinals, known for long, contemplative consultations, were surprisingly receptive, said one of those informed. After a decade of paedophilia scandals, the allegations of financial impropriety seemed set to unleash another storm of criticism and had to be addressed. Outside auditors as well as financial risk consultants were already coming into the Vatican but the arrest of Scarano made the case for reform unavoidable. “We cannot have any more scandal. It is so shameful,” a senior member of the Vatican’s financial administration said.
How God’s bank ended up as a financial penitent this year is a bracing chapter in the history of financial reforms that have swelled up in the aftermath of the 2008 credit crisis. Untouchable havens such as Switzerland and Liechtenstein were forced to open their chocolate-box palaces to the probes of international regulators. This year the power of the popes was challenged.
The FT interviewed two dozen bankers, lawyers, regulators and Catholic insiders over 11 months to understand how the murky operations of a bank with €5bn in assets, and which says its aim is to serve the global mission of the Catholic Church, had unnerved bankers, regulators and governments across Europe and the US.
The reforms now under way at the Vatican
have come about in part because of the pressure brought to bear by banks such as Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan and UniCredit, all of which found themselves in the sights of regulators because of their business relationships with the Holy See. About three dozen banks, including some of the world’s biggest financial institutions, were for years “correspondent” banks to the Vatican, providing services when the pope’s business went beyond the boundaries of Vatican City. As with other institutional clients, the banks gave the Vatican access to foreign financial markets. Correspondent banks moved as much as €2bn a year from the Vatican’s bank to other accounts across the globe, according to a Vatican spokesman. It was the bankers’ fear of being tarnished by their links with the Vatican bank after the credit crisis – and fears of fines from emboldened regulators – that led them to take steps that forced it to clean up its act.
Cardinals at the Vatican conclave to elect the new pope in March.
Several financial professionals talked in detail to the FT about their dealings with Vatican staff and provided documents about the bank’s structure. None wanted to speak on the record, citing sensitivities in both their banking and religious worlds. All told the FT that they were speaking out in order to help the bank keep to its programme of reform.
Senior executives from some correspondent banks had been questioned by regulators over the past two years and several had the same refrain about their dealings with the Vatican bank: it operated unlike any other bank they had encountered. Some who spoke to the FT reinforced what later emerged from reports by European officials on the bank’s workings. There were surprisingly few checks and balances on cash flow – and far less documentation than expected. The staff was small – 112 people, largely Italian until this year, with cardinals acting as supervisors. Many of the staff seemed unversed in customer due diligence, according to some. “They would not answer basic [Know Your Client] requests,” a senior manager at an international bank says.
The Institute for Religious Works issued its first annual report in early October, which showed that the bank has 19,000 clients, from around the world, 33,000 accounts and €5bn in assets. Few loans are made; the bank holds deposits, transfers money and makes investments. Half the bank’s clients come from religious orders; another 15 per cent are Holy See institutions, 13 per cent are cardinals, bishops and clergy, 9 per cent are from Catholic dioceses around the world. The rest of the clients are split among those who have, or should have, some “affiliation to the Catholic Church”, the report says.
Vatican insiders also revealed that the bank is awash in donations and cash, from Sunday collections and charitable giving. As much as 25 per cent of the bank’s business is done in cash – a feature that regulators said raised red flags for money laundering. About a third of its business comes from donations rooted in charities.
Laura Pedio, a Milan anti-Mafia prosecutor who specialises in white-collar crime, was one of the few sources willing to speak publicly to the FT. Pedio, who had been investigating the bankruptcy of a Catholic hospital in 2011 and needed access to Vatican bank information, said she was astonished to find a complex system of proxies, the authorisations given to representatives to execute transactions on behalf of often unidentified beneficial account holders.
She found multiple people often had proxies but details about the proxy holders were apparently not recorded anywhere in the bank. Some, she said, could be verbally identified by only a few people within the Vatican bank. There was, she said, literally no way to force an answer. “The issue was always: ‘Who is the ultimate beneficiary of this account?’” she says.
One adviser to the Vatican, who lives hundreds of miles from the marble colonnades of Rome, says the pursuit by prosecutors and regulators of the Vatican created a shift in mood among bankers to the Holy See. Under pressure themselves from a clampdown by European regulators, the banks were no longer open for business with a secretive Vatican. “There was a no-nonsense approach from the correspondent banks,” this adviser says. “‘We are not here to cover the ass of the Vatican.’”
. . .
Vatican City, a sovereign state that fiercely guards its privacy, has some of the trappings of a small town, with a supermarket, pharmacy, petrol station and a post office within its borders. But its hometown bank has the plummiest of addresses: the Apostolic Palace.
Popes Benedict and John Paul II both had their bedrooms two floors above the bank. An elevator was installed in the Apostolic Palace for John Paul II when he became too infirm to take the stairs. The elevator’s ground-floor entrance is next to the back door of the bank. (Pope Francis has opted for a less palatial residence, notably on the opposite side of Vatican City to the bank.)
Debate about what the popes knew about who came and went through the bank’s doors has occupied generations of Vatican watchers. The bank’s forerunner was created in 1887 as “an administration” to gather and use money for religious works. In 1942, in the chaotic war years, Pope Pius XII gave it a new name and a clear banking purpose.
The Institute for Religious Works was to provide for “the custody and the administration of monies (in bonds and cash) and properties transferred or entrusted to the Institute itself by fiscal or legal persons for the purposes of religious works, and works of Christian piety”. In the decades that followed, questions about some of that work – notably relationships and business deals examined by David Yallop in his 1984 bestseller, In God’s Name – would stir intrigue about possible Mafia connections. A 1996 book, His Holiness by Marco Politi and Carl Bernstein, offered a more benevolent view of Vatican cash flow in the 1980s: Pope John Paul II had systemically sent money to Solidarity, the Polish resistance movement, through a papal discretionary account, in an effort to break the back of communism in eastern Europe.
In recent years, the bank has again featured in media reports for its funding of religious and humanitarian activities across the world. Former and current Vatican officials have confirmed to the FT that the bank has been used to channel cash, often secretly or with limited information given to correspondent banks, to vulnerable Christian groups in Cuba and Egypt.
But Vatican insiders, bankers and prosecutors admit that a system aimed at quickly getting money to difficult places has also potentially been open to abuse by tax cheats and by organised crime. “The issue is that once you start doing opaque transactions in an institution, people don’t know where to draw a line and to stop. What started in effect with moving money to Poland got out of control,” says a senior European banker at a US bank with a longstanding relationship with the Vatican. “There were no rules,” a Vatican insider commented. “So if you add to that someone with a criminal [motivation], you are finished.”
Up until 2008, according to one former senior Vatican banker, regulation of the Vatican bank was “indulgent”. This person says that no pressure was brought to bear on the Vatican to clean up its act either by regulators overseeing its correspondent banks or by officials within the Holy See.
But the euro crisis changed all that. Pressure from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Europe’s Financial Stability Board and the Financial Action Task Force led to a crackdown on states that failed to comply with international rules. At the same time, prosecutors in Rome were probing suspicious transactions that appeared to be emanating out of the Holy See into the Italian banking system. Their focus was a branch of UniCredit, Italy’s largest bank by assets, that sits on the road leading up to Vatican City.
A routine Bank of Italy anti money-laundering investigation at the branch had stumbled upon inconsistencies in its dealings with the Vatican bank, and it referred the issue to Rome prosecutors. According to a source familiar with the matter, payment slips from unnamed holders of Vatican bank accounts were found in the branch, ringing alarm bells for anti-money laundering investigators. The investigation was shelved later that year but not without consequences for the Vatican. UniCredit says it cut off all contact with the Holy See. It would not be the last bank to do so.
Forcing change was a challenge. Part of the problem was that the European Union had no regulatory power over the Vatican’s bank. So it was decided that the Bank of Italy, at the time headed by Draghi, would put pressure on the banks that did business with the Vatican. A former Italian minister with direct knowledge says: “That is the way you do it in these situations, when you have a state that you do not have regulatory powers over but you want to enforce changes. You make their life very difficult. You tell the banks they are not allowed to do business with them.”
By 2009, the Vatican bank was caught in various financial crosshairs. As prosecutors continued their line of questioning, the Bank of Italy was putting on the pressure by making life tough for the correspondent banks, according to several people with direct knowledge of events.
The Vatican, with an increasingly frail Benedict at the helm, tried to put its own stamp on the probes by appointing a well-connected conservative banker, Ettore Gotti Tedeschi, to take over the presidency of the bank. It also made a request to the Council of Europe for an investigation by Moneyval, the council’s Committee of Experts on the Evaluation of Anti-Money Laundering Measures and the Financing of Terrorism. Pope Benedict even gave his blessing to the creation of a financial supervisor within the walls of the Vatican.
Gotti Tedeschi was well known to the central bank. He was the head of Banco Santander in Italy and considered to be the right-hand man of Santander’s powerful executive chairman Emilio Botín in the country. He also sat on the board of Italy’s giant state financing agency, Cassa Depositi e Prestiti. But according to people familiar with the events, Gotti Tedeschi was viewed with distrust among some members of the council of cardinals which he tried to encourage to be more transparent. Personal battles with the Vatican hierarchy took their toll as well: in May 2012 he was ejected from the presidency after a no-confidence vote by the board. He even faced criminal charges that were later dropped after an investigation by Italian prosecutors.
That year, correspondent banks also grew increasingly worried. The Vatican’s failure to comply with international anti-money laundering rules had the potential to affect their own businesses. As regulators cracked down on tax cheats in offshore havens such as Switzerland, the banks feared regulators would turn on them for working with a Vatican that was still guarding its own banking secrets.
In March 2012, JPMorgan closed the bank account it held for the Vatican because the Vatican bank was providing insufficient information about funds that it was asking the US bank to move around the world, according to two sources at two different financial institutions. Other banks started to push back against the Vatican. “We would say, ‘We need to answer the regulator on this matter.’ They would say, ‘We answer to God,’” says another manager at a large European bank.
The EU’s Moneyval reinforced the sense of embattlement at the Vatican with its report in July 2012. Moneyval said that the Financial Information Authority, the regulator set up with Pope Benedict’s blessing, lacked the legal powers and independence needed to monitor and sanction the Vatican’s financial institutions. It had found that the regulator had no clear right to demand access to books or information. The Vatican bank was deemed to be compliant or largely compliant on only nine out of 16 core standards.
Moneyval provided ammunition for other banks and the crunch came when regulators turned to Deutsche Bank, the German financial powerhouse. Its Italian subsidiary had managed the Vatican City’s 80 cash machines and credit card payment services since 1997. In the summer of 2012, the Bank of Italy began questioning Deutsche about whether it possessed a licence to operate cash machines for the Vatican state. The central bank said that the Vatican was not compliant with international rules; was Deutsche breaking the law by servicing the ATMs? The Bank of Italy then sent another letter, seen by the FT, that ordered Deutsche Bank to close its accounts with the Vatican bank by the end of the year.
Deutsche did what regulators had hoped it would. On January 1 2013, a peak holiday time, there were no ATMs functioning anywhere inside Vatican City. Lines of visitors to the Sistine Chapel were unable to enter unless they paid in cash. “The message sent was simple: if you want to participate in the modern world, you have to adopt modern rules,” says a senior banker at another correspondent bank.
In the waning days of his papacy, Benedict made appointments that would help steer the church towards some sort of financial resolution. He appointed Rene Bruelhart, a Swiss lawyer who made his name as the head of Liechtenstein’s financial intelligence unit, as head of the Vatican’s financial regulator. Among the pontiff’s last official decrees was to appoint a new Vatican bank chief, Ernst von Freyberg, a mergers and acquisitions banker and aristocratic German who in his spare time led pilgrims to the healing waters of Lourdes.
Bruelhart, the younger of the two men, was involved in the return of assets owned by the regime of Saddam Hussein to the new Iraqi government. He also helped to uncover the Siemens contract scandal of 2006, which involved bribery of government officials. This legal profile, combined with his crisp good looks, led some in the media to dub the 41-year-old the James Bond of the financial world.
Bruelhart worked swiftly to restore ATM services in Vatican City. By February 12, he had engaged Aduno Group, a Swiss company, to take over operation of the cash machines, neatly circumventing Italian and EU regulatory pressures.
In March 2013, there was a new pope – a Jesuit evoking the poverty and humility of St Francis of Assisi – and he quickly set a tone on financial correctness. Pope Francis spoke out against the “idolatry of money”, “all-encompassing corruption” and “tax evasion that had reached global dimensions”. Behind the scenes, he sent out another sign: Pope Francis moved his personal residence away from the Apostolic Palace and the Vatican bank.
Francis also began issuing papal decrees that helped speed inspections and made changes within the upper ranks of the cardinals. According to Bank of Italy sources, the new pope “marked important steps toward real reform of the legal and institutional framework”. Backed by Francis, the Financial Information Authority was strengthened with broader powers of supervision.
The pope had also asked for a review of the bank’s activities and appointed two boards made up of senior clergy and lay bankers to give advice regarding the future of the institution so that “it was in harmonization with the mission of the Catholic Church”, according to Vatican statements.
So far, Bruelhart and von Freyberg have complemented each other in their approach to reform, insiders say. Bruelhart quickly set up a crisis management team to review accounts and track money transfers. Within months of the two financial outsiders arriving, Sutherland flew in from London to discuss the virtues of transparency with the cardinals.
Before the meeting, Sutherland went into the dining hall of the Doma Santa Marta. Pope Francis was also there, eating breakfast, according to a witness. “I could not believe my eyes. I thought this is impossible,” says this person. “The pope in one corner and one of the world’s best-known bankers in the other.”
From left: Ernst von Freyberg, Vatican bank chief, and Rene Bruelhart, head of the Vatican’s financial regulator
By this summer, von Freyberg had sought out Promontory Financial, a global risk-control group that specialises in regulatory and compliance issues. Promontory’s contract, according to von Freyberg, costs “well above seven digits”.
On a bright morning in late October, nine Promontory Financial employees sat in an office beneath a painting of the crucifixion of Christ, sorting through computer scans of account holders’ passports. They were manually and methodically cross-checking the names and faces with newly filled-in bank forms. Promontory employees now comprise 25 per cent of the staff of the Vatican bank, according to the Vatican.
Next door sat Rolando Marranci, a former chief financial officer for BNP Paribas’s Italian subsidiary and now the Vatican bank’s new director-general. He was hired in the wake of the arrest of Scarano, the Vatican accountant.
By next year, these new employees are expected to have closed hundreds of bank accounts listed in the Vatican ledgers, according to people familiar with the situation. Vatican bank officials say it will take well into next year to review them all. Accounts are being targeted when a client has been found to no longer have links to the Holy See. Where accounts are missing basic information or a client is found not to have such links, those accounts have been handed over to Bruelhart and his team. Bruelhart then judges whether to close these accounts when he reviews them in the light of the Vatican’s new, stricter anti-money laundering rules, according to bank insiders.
Both Bruelhart and von Freyberg have tried to calm internal fears about the Vatican’s suspected links to money laundering. Its volume of transactions – about €2bn in and out annually – is too small to be much of a threat, say people familiar with their thinking. But suspicions remain that the bank may have been a refuge for tax cheats from Italy, which European officials admit has a problem with tax evasion.
Bankers familiar with the transition between popes describe the past year as marking an epochal change. The Vatican hierarchy is taking steps to appoint experienced regulators to head a new, prudential supervisor, Vatican insiders say. Big Four auditors are looking at its accounts. The Vatican bank staff was once dominated by Italians; now it is opening its doors to foreign bankers with global experience. The clean-up has also extended to enhanced oversight of the Vatican’s treasury, known as the Administration of the Patrimony of the Apostolic See (Apsa), which controls the Catholic Church’s real estate portfolio and oversees holdings of government bonds. Sutherland and fellow international financier Bob McCann, chief executive of UBS Americas, are listed as two of five “consultors” or advisers at Apsa, according to a 2013 Vatican directory. The Vatican announced in October that its consultors would become part of a newly created supervisory board. Neither man would respond to questions about the board but there is work to be done there as well.
A handful of current accounts was recently discovered within Apsa – to the surprise of auditors and Vatican officials – and they are in the process of being moved to the Vatican bank, according to people with direct knowledge of the events. The very existence of these accounts is yet another sign, these people say, of how the financial system operated for years without any clear rules.
More changes are ahead. Bruelhart has signed a memorandum of understanding to swap information on suspicious transactions with the US, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands and Slovenia, and it has another 15 to 20 in the pipeline. He has also reached out to the Egmont Group, an informal network of national financial intelligence units that swaps information about suspicious transactions, according to the Vatican.
There is a cautious sense of optimism among technical advisers in Rome and beyond. But they admit that there is still tension between the high priests of finance and the Vatican. “It is a case of political will in the end,” says an adviser to the bank. “Though what is happening here is surprisingly unpolitical. This is about IT and handbooks, and staff training and processes and fact-checking.”
Pope Francis waves as he leaves after celebrating a mass at the North American College in Rome May 2, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)
How far the Vatican reforms go depends on the man at the top. Named after a saint who was plain-spoken and happy with simple pursuits, Pope Francis’s approach so far has inspired the bank investigators to work some long and late hours. For them, his early reflections on what banking should be – in this bejewelled city of saints and sinners, or anywhere in the world – is worthy of some meditation. “Some say the best thing is to have a bank, others say it should be a relief fund, other recommend it be closed down,” Pope Francis said in July. “I trust the work the [Vatican bank] team is doing . . . But whether it’s a bank, a fund, a whatever, it should be based on transparency and honesty.”
In Italy, there is a sense that Pope Francis, a native of Argentina, was chosen in part because he was an outsider. He understands that the Vatican’s insular nature has hurt the image of the Catholic Church and raised concerns about its relevance. His papacy will be a mission to prove that the church remains a touchstone for morality – and, to some observers, he has defined the bank scandal as an opportunity.
Massimo Faggioli, an academic and author from Bologna who has studied the Vatican for the past 20 years, says that other pontiffs in his lifetime had no reason to think that the bank was important to the outside world. But now it is – and Francis, by speaking out about it early, has signalled its importance. “Pope John Paul II didn’t touch the bank because it served his purpose of funding Solidarity from the Vatican. Pope Benedict did not touch it because he had no interest in controlling it,” says Faggioli. “Pope Francis is different because he knows the damage that has been done to the credibility of the church by this very small bank and its history of scandals.”
More questions of modernity also will test the church: ongoing paedophilia scandals, the role of women, the possibility that priests may marry. For now it seems the newest occupant of St Peter’s throne wants the church to set an example and do what most everyday people must: get its finances straight.
from Italian investments was revoked in 1968, decided to diversify its holdings, it employed as financial adviser Michele Sindona. Once among the country's most powerful businessmen, subsequent investigations into his business affairs brought to light questionable associations with the Mafia as well as the secret P2, a bogus "Masonic" lodge that the Italian Parliament branded as a subversive organization.[20] The 1974 failure of Sindona's Franklin National Bank and the subsequent collapse of his financial empire, into which he had channeled part of the Holy See's investments, entailed losses for the Vatican estimated by one source at 35 billion Italian lire (£20 million).[21][22][23][24]
In 1982, a political and financial scandal connected with the collapse of Banco Ambrosiano involved the head of IOR from 1971 to 1989, Archbishop Paul
Marcinkus, who allegedly had given "letters of patronage" on behalf of the IOR in support of the failed bank.[25][26] In 1987, an Italian court issued a warrant against Marcinkus, whom they accused of being an accessory to fraudulent bankruptcy. Marcinkus evaded arrest by staying inside Vatican City until the warrant was dismissed in 1991, whereupon he returned to his home country, the United States. Chairman of the Banco Ambrosiano and member of the illegal Masonic lodge P2, Roberto Calvi was convicted of violating Italian currency laws and fled on a false passport to London where he was found murdered under Blackfriars Bridge in London some days after he went missing from Milan.[27] The Istituto per le Opere di Religione, then a 10% shareholder of Banco Ambrosiano,[28] denied legal responsibility for the Banco Ambrosiano's downfall but acknowledged "moral involvement", and paid US$224 million to creditors.[29][30]
Several books published during the 1980s and 1990s were highly critical of the Institute for the Works of Religion's historical relations with anti-communist governments.[31][32] Tony Abse, writing in The Weekly Worker, an organ of the Communist Party of Great Britain, has said that the CIA used the Institute for the Works of Religion to funnel funds to the Solidarity Polish trade union "as part of the final offensive against the Soviet Union".[33] The organization American Atheists says covert United States funds were channelled in the same way both to Solidarity and to Contra guerrillas.[34]
Alperin v. Vatican Bank is a class action suit by Holocaust survivors against the Institute for the Works of Religion and Franciscan Order ("Order of Friars Minor") filed in San Francisco, California on 15 November 1999. The case was dismissed as a political question by the District Court for the Northern District of California in 2003, but reinstated in part by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in 2005. That ruling has attracted attention as a precedent at the intersection of the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA) and the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA). The complaint against the Vatican Bank was dismissed in 2007 on the basis of sovereign immunity, but the case against the Franciscan Order continues as of 2009. According to one analysis, "the case is extremely complicated and potentially massive, considering the large class spread across many countries".[35]
Judicial events and reorganisation (2010–2014)
Judicial events and reorganisation (2010–2014)
In September 2010, Italian magistrates seized €23 million from the IOR, on the grounds that the anti-money laundering laws in force had been violated. The money was originally to be transferred from the Italian Credito Artigiano to JPMorgan Chase and another Italian bank, Banca del Fucino.[36][37] Both the origin and destination of the funds were accounts under the control of the IOR.[38] It was furthermore declared that Gotti Tedeschi and another IOR manager were under investigation for money laundering charges.[39] On 31 May 2011, Rome's attorney general released the €23 million in assets which had been seized in September, apparently in acknowledgment of the steps taken in the following months to conform the Institute to international standards.
On 24 May 2012, Ettore Gotti Tedeschi was ousted as Head of the Vatican Bank because of his alleged "failure to fulfill the primary functions of his office".[40] In July 2013, the money laundering case against Gotti Tedeschi was dropped.[41] In March 2014, he was again acquitted by the Roman court that followed the public prosecutor's position and relieved Gotti Tedeschi from any responsibility in that operation.[42][43]
On 15 June 2013, with the approval of Pope Francis, the Cardinals' Commission appointed Monsignor Battista Mario Salvatore Ricca as the Institute's Prelate ad interim.[44]Following the nomination, the Italian media published reports that Ricca in the past allegedly was involved in consensual homosexual acts.[45] There was also speculation that opponents of reform might have withheld information about possible scandals in Ricca's past or that they might have made up unfounded rumours about Ricca's past.[46][47] It was reported that Ricca had offered his resignation because of the controversy,[48][49][50] but the head of the Holy See's Press Office declared the accusations as "not credible"[46] and Pope Francis himself informed journalists that an inquiry "found nothing".[51]
On 28 June 2013, three persons were arrested by the Italian police on suspicion of corruption and fraud. Allegedly, they had planned to smuggle €20 million in cash from Switzerland into Italy. One of the arrested was Monsignore Nunzio Scarano, previously senior accountant at APSA, the Vatican's Administration of the Patrimony of the Apostolic See.[52]Subsequently, he was indicted with corruption and slander and set under house arrest.[53] On 21 January 2014, he was further charged with money laundering through IOR accounts in yet another investigation.[54] According to a police statement, millions of euros in "false donations" from offshore companies had moved through Scarano's accounts. Already in July 2013, the IOR had frozen the money in Scarano's accounts. As news agency Reuters reported, Elena Guarino, the Salerno magistrate who led the investigation, told reporters "the Vatican was fully cooperative and gave her much information on Scarano's bank movements."[55]